The following is an
assignment I wrote for my PGCE. It still seems relevant today so I
thought I'd post it for general consumption.
Britain
is facing a sexual health epidemic which is embarrassing the nation and
costing the National Health Service (NHS) hundreds of millions of
pounds. In order to address this epidemic, campaigners have called for a
complete overhaul of the way in which sex education is taught in
schools and improved access to sexual health services and advice. Some
have called for a more thorough and compulsory programme of primary
school sex education, a suggestion which has promoted fierce debate
amongst sexual health professionals, politicians, teachers, parents and
religious groups. Sex education is an emotive topic as it touches upon
aspects of morality and individual and cultural identity. Though its
introduction to the primary school curriculum may help to tackle issues
such as sexual abuse, pornography, sexual references in popular culture,
gender discrimination and sexual harassment and bullying it also raises
questions about the relative abilities of parents and teachers to
provide such education, the ability of pupils to cope with the
information and the suitability of the classroom as a learning
environment.
Britain’s
teenagers have the highest levels of pregnancy, sexual activity and
sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) in Europe (UNICEF, 2007). If left
untreated, many STDs such as Chlamydia and Gonorrhoea can result in
permanent sterility or infertility whilst some such as HIV/AIDs can lead
to death. Teenage mothers are more likely to suffer from premature
delivery, anaemia, pregnancy induced hypertension and mental health
problems whilst the interruption to their education often damages long
term employment prospects, exacerbating a statistically lower standard
of living. Children born to teenage mothers are often underweight, have
increased rates of neonatal mortality and suffer as young adults in
terms of poorer health, lower educational attainment and a higher risk
of economic inactivity. There are also statistically more likely to
become teenage parents themselves (Knox, 2002 and Berthoud, Ermisch,
Fransesconi, Fiao, Pevalin, and Robson, 2004). For those who opt to
terminate their pregnancies, abortion has been associated with potential
physical and mental health problems such as an increased risk of
infection, infertility, suicide, depression and "post-abortion syndrome"
(Fergusson, Horwood & Ridder, 2006 and Ring-Cassidy & Gentles,
2002). The cost of teenage pregnancy to the NHS alone is estimated to be
£63m a year. Teenage mothers will also be more likely than older
mothers to require expensive support from a range of local services in
housing, education, employment and training (DFES, 2006).
Teenagers are becoming sexually active at an increasingly
younger age, more frequently and with more partners and some
commentators claim that Britain’s conservative institutions, have failed
to recognise this fact. The government’s Social Exclusion Unit
indentified low life expectations amongst young women, ignorance
regarding contraception, sexually transmitted diseases and parenthood
and "mixed messages" regarding sexual activity as the major contributing
factors to Britain’s high levels of teenage pregnancy and STDs (DFES,
2005). Critics of current policy such as the UK Youth Parliament,
Channel 4, Brooks, Marie Stopes and the Family Planning Association
claim that the current approach to sex education is "pedagogically
bankrupt" and incapable of dealing with modern concerns (Epstein,
O'Flyunn & Telford, 2003). They have therefore called for a
complete overhaul of personal and social education (PSE) and legislation
to make it a statutory duty for schools to teach it competently (Times,
2007). Celebrities such as Davina McCall have been recruited to present
their case (Channel 4, 2007 and McCall & Naik, 2007).
Proponents for the introduction of sex education to
primary schools primarily draw upon the "Dutch Model" for inspiration.
Having gone through the same socio-sexual revolution as Britain, the
Netherlands has managed to achieve the lowest rates of teenage
pregnancies, abortions and STDs in Europe (UNICEF, 2007). The Dutch
Model is "more explicit, coherent and comprehensive" and promotes a high
degree of reciprocity between the biological and emotional aspects of
the programme, avoiding the largely mechanical instruction given in
British Secondary School texts (Lewis & Knijn, 2003). Instead of
discussing sex in the context of danger, risk and prevention with
undesirable behaviours such as drug use, crime, alcohol abuse and
smoking, it encourages individuals to consider sexual scenarios before
they arise and then to act responsibly. Lewis and Knijn (2003) suggest
that sex has been normalised in the Dutch Curriculum whilst British
pupils continue to perceive sex as something "at once dirty, illicit and
desirable."
The success of the Dutch model is attributed to three
major factors. Firstly, by introducing sex education to children as
young as five, sex and sexuality is normalised, thus preventing the
development of embarrassing attitudes which hinder future education.
This has contributed to an openness in Dutch society which encourages
teenagers to discuss their concerns, rather than act them out. Secondly,
by providing information regarding the changes associated with sexual
maturation before it occurs, teenagers are more confident with their
emerging sexualities and more likely to make informed decisions, often
to delay sexual activity until they more emotionally mature (Went, D.,
1985). This may be significant as puberty is occurring on average eight
months earlier age than thirty years ago and there is a greater
incidence of early pubertal maturation which is associated with a
variety of negative health and psychological outcomes including
adolescent pregnancy. (McCall & Naik, 2007, Dixon & Achmed, 2007
and Ellis & Essex, 2007). Finally, by accepting that teenagers will
engage in sexual activity, comprehensive education in the benefits and
use of contraception means that they are less likely to engage in
unprotected sex.
Primary school sex education may also help to address
some of the negative trends which have created the environment in which
teenage pregnancy and STDs have become a problem. Though the "No sex
please, we’re British" mind-set is something of a national stereotype,
evidence suggests that the British are renitent when it comes to openly
discussing matters pertaining to sexuality and are failing to adequately
inculcate their children with the knowledge and understanding they
require to make informed discussion regarding sexuality and
contraception (Blair, 2007). Dutch parents are twice as likely to
discuss sex with their children compared to British parents (UNICEF,
2001). A more comprehensive sex education policy is therefore necessary
to make up for parental shortcomings, a controversial position as many
parents may be offended by what they regard as government or academic
interference in their parental prerogative, particularly if they have
strong moral or religious objections to the curriculum content.
Supporters however claim that much of the success of the Dutch Model is
due to the fact that parents are regarded as partners in the process.
British parents would benefit from the programme as it would improve
their own knowledge and understanding of sexual health, combat
prejudices and misconceptions and help them to develop the skills
required to converse with their own children regarding issues of sexual
health morality. Though this stance has been supported by OFSTED
(OFSTED, 2007), critics are likely to remain unimpressed. Many regard
the right of parents to choose the education their children receive,
particularly in matters of faith and morals, as sacrosanct and see sex
education as another tool of the "nanny state".
Some commentators suggest that primary schools are a more
effective and relevant setting for sex education because they can
provide quality learning experiences and offer facilities and expertise
not available to most parents (Went, D., 1985). The classroom is an
ideal environment to discuss issues relating to sex and relationships
because it is safe, non-judgmental and open to peer interaction (Buston,
Wight & Hart, 2002). However, some pupils may feel vulnerable in
sex education lessons as their contribution can lead to ridicule if they
do not conform to accepted gender stereotypes. Male and female pupils
react differently to the discussion of sexual topics with boys often
acting as a disruptive influence on proceedings. The teacher can
therefore not always take the previously established classroom
environment for granted (Buston, Wight & Hart, 2002 and Walker &
Kusher, 1997).
Despite
these difficulties, teachers are educative specialists who can draw upon
a rich pedagogical background to enrich the learning experience.
Drawings, stories, drama, problem pages, puppets and carefully selected
fiction could all be used as mediums to teach sex education effectively
(Claire, H., 2001). Teachers are also extremely adept at judging
individual and group capacity for learning which allows them to
determine when children are ready to receive specific areas of the
curriculum. Such a view however has to be balanced against the opinions
and confidence of individual teachers. Teachers are as likely to feel as
embarrassed and reticent in discussing sexuality as parents. A report
by the Scottish Executive into the implementation of the Channel 4
Living and Growing programme, found that many teachers were unwilling to
discuss homosexuality, contraception and masturbation and altered some
of the more explicit cartoons and diagrams included in the support
materials (Scottish Executive, 2006). Some may also feel the intimacy
required in discussing such sensitive matters blurs the boundaries of
professionalism established within classrooms (Van Loon, 2005). Many
teachers are also afraid of a parental backlash to controversial topics
even though statistically, very few parents discuss sex education with
teachers (Buston, Wight & Scott, 2002). Opposition to sex education
can nevertheless provoke a high profile reaction. Living and Growing was
lambasted in the national press for including the word "clitoris" in
material designed for five years olds whilst some schools in
Nottinghamshire have been targeted by Christian Groups for promoting
"unethical" sexualities (Teachers.TV, 2005 and Salkeld, 2007). Any
attempts to introduce compulsory sex education would require a far more
comprehensive training programme which aimed to improve the confidence,
background knowledge and legal awareness of primary school teachers
(Buston, Wight & Scott, 2001).
Undeterred, supporters claim primary sex education will
help counteract some of the negative behaviours associated with
developing sexualities. Critics claim that Britain’s educational system
either institutionally or incidentally supports a number of traditional
and conservative attitudes which are opposed to modern notions of
equality. Though the current SRE guidelines claim not to promote one
particular sexual orientation (WAG, 2002), they implicitly support a
limited and traditional heterosexual family based sexuality (Reynolds,
2005). This "hetronormality" is further exacerbated by the predominantly
all female environment and higher ration of male to female headteachers
in primary schools which creates a quasi-family unit. The female class
teacher represents the benevolent and nurturing mother whilst the male
headteacher represents the harsh authoritarian father. Thus clearly
defined gender roles and heterosexuality are institutionalised in the
primary classroom (Dworetzky, 1998). Gay and lesbian teachers are
regarded as "inherent and inevitable dangers", capable of corrupting
children’s heterosexual innocence (Reynolds, 2005).
Observations
on emerging sexualities in primary schools suggest that the school
playground is a cradle for the gendered and sexualised bullying which is
used to create and consolidate gender and cultural norms in latter
life. Boys tend to define masculinity in terms of violence, sport and
misogynistic attitudes which "traduced all things feminine" whilst girls
constructed their own femininity "by routinely being subject to, and
policing agents of, a heterosexual male gaze" which creates a "hegemonic
sexuality" (Reynolds, 2005 and Claire, 2001). Earlier sex education can
help to prevent the development of gender, sex and sexuality
stereotypes and homophobic sentiments which limit individual aspirations
and can lead to bullying because it helps to normalise divergent
genders and sexualities. A corollary of such an education is that pupils
who come from backgrounds which deviate from the traditional
heterosexual two parent family norm will feel less stigmatised and more
confident in their particular identities. This is particularly important
as the proportion of all people living in "traditional" family
households of married couples with dependent children fell from 52% to
37% between 1971 and 2007 (Self & Zealey, 2007).
A further benefit of introducing sex education at an
earlier age is that teachers can ensure that children receive reliable
information. The current reticence of parents and schools to provide
adequate sex education has forced children and teenagers to look for
information elsewhere, often from dangerous and unreliable sources.
Popular culture is saturated with sexual imagery and messages which
promote a distorted view of human sexuality with little reference to the
potential risks, emotions and morality of sexual activity. One study
suggests that teenagers with high exposure to television with a sexual
content were twice as like to initiate sexual intercourse in the
following year (Collins, Elliott, Berry, Kanouse, Kunkel, Hunter and
Miu, 2004). Modern society makes few attempts to separate children from
such imagery whilst symbols of childhood such as school uniforms and
sweets have been loaded with sexual meaning (Reynolds, 2005). It is
therefore possible for Bebo to be both a popular children’s social
networking site and a host for Nuts TV which "rates" naked women
according to their sexual desirability (Bebo, 2007). Pornography is
particularly problematic as it actively promotes a distended sexuality
which is sometimes violent, misogynistic and degrading. It can also be
used to exploit children, particularly those who are most vulnerable
such as those with special educational needs. The universal nature of
the internet makes it easier for paedophiles to make contact with
children, exploit their ignorance and distribute their material (Stock,
2004). Earlier sex education can therefore help to alert children of the
dangers posed by distorted views of human sexuality, nullify
misconceptions and satisfy their natural curiosity for answers to
questions provoked by their everyday experiences.
The sexualisation of children by popular culture touches
the very heart of the debate on the nature of childhood. Critics claim
that primary school sex education would deprive them of their natural
innocence and result in greater levels of sexual activity, a claim
vociferously contested by some sexologists and psychologists (Lewis
& Knijn, 2003). Research from the United States suggests that there
is no significant correlation between sex education and the frequency of
sexual behaviour or the age of first sexual intercourse (Somers and
Eaves, 2002) though this has to be balanced against research which
suggests most teenagers have already been "sexualised" by exposure to
popular culture which makes such claims irrelevant (Stock, 2004).
Epstein and Johnson in Reynold (1998) suggest that sexual innocence is a
myth which adults have wished upon Primary school children who in
reality are exposed to, and have opinions on, a variety sexual issues
including teenage pregnancy, abortion, prostitution, sexual abuse,
homosexuality (Claire, 2001). Reynolds concludes that "it is ridiculous
to assume that children don’t draw conclusions from the visible,
invisible and imagined sexual behaviour of adults and children around
them" (Reynolds, 2005). However, just because a particular behaviour is
observed does not necessarily mean that behaviour is "natural". Much of
the work on developing sexualities appears to have been greatly
influenced by the work of Freud which is now regarded as "unscientific,
eccentric and absurd" (Mitchell and Ziegler, 2007). Where one
sociologist sees children engaging in proto-sexual activity, another
simply sees childhood play and mimicry of adult behaviour. It therefore
difficult to support assertions which apply adult concepts to childhood
behaviour such as Reynolds’ claim that Year Six girls "police each
other’s bodies as heterosexually desirable commodities" (Reynolds,
2005).
Using the arguments presented, proponents for the
introduction of sex education into Britain’s Primary schools conclude
that they have an excellent case and a plausible implementation
candidate in the Dutch Model. Such a view however does not take into
account the broader cultural factors associated with sex education, a
fact recognised by every major proponent and critic. One could argue
that the current policies and proposals address the consequences of
teenage sexual activity, rather than the causes. It is a response which
is being driven by the sexually explicit references children are exposed
to by popular culture which has set new norms which "undermine the
educational and moral authority of parents and schools" (Van Joost,
2005). It is one thing to acknowledge that children are exposed to a
highly sexualised culture but that does not mean that we should
countenance the sexualisation of primary school children. One child I
encountered in a Year Six class appears to have been highly affected by
the sexual content films and the Internet. He used vulgar language
towards his female peers, allowed his apparent sexual interest in women
to enter into his creative writing and was heard to remark that he
wished he had "got a girl drunk" when he was going out with her. It is
doubtful that knowledge of contraception and female anatomy would
address such inappropriate behaviour. Early sexual experiences are
detrimental to the physical and psychological health of adolescents and a
high percentage of those who engaged in sexual activity before they
were 16 regret it (O’Keeffe, 2003 & DFES, 2006). It is for this
reason that the Scottish Executive’s sexual health strategy is based on
the premise that "sexual relationships are best delayed until a person
is sufficiently mature to participate in a mutually respective
relationship" (Scottish Executive, 2006)
There is little empirical evidence to suggest that the
introduction of Dutch style sex education system will be a success in
Britain. Recent attempts to introduce a sex education programme using
methods similar to the Dutch Model in Scotland proved to be more popular
amongst pupils but no less likely to cut teenage pregnancies (MRC, 2007
& Sample, 2006). Dr Joost van Loon questions the effectiveness of
the Dutch Model suggesting that there is no standard model of sex
education in Dutch schools, that sex education does not begin at a
younger age in the Netherlands nor is it more explicit or permissive
than in Britain. He argues that the most significant factor in teenage
pregnancy is family structure: the children of single-parent and
non-traditional homes are more likely to be sexually active at a younger
age. British children are five times more likely to be in single-parent
families than their Dutch counterparts and more likely to be in third
party care or to find their mothers out when they get home from school
(Van Joost, 2003). Even early pubertal maturation is associated with
parental investment as high levels of psychosocial stress accelerate
reproductive development (Ellis & Essex, 2007). Responding to a
recent UNICEF report, Professor Sir Al Aynsley-Green, The Children's
Commissioner for England, suggests that Britain has produced a
generation of young people who are "unhappy, unhealthy, engaging in
risky behaviour, who have poor relationships with their family and their
peers, low expectations and don't feel safe" (UNICEF, 2007 and BBC,
2007)
It can therefore be argued that the levels of teenage
pregnancy and STDs can be better understood in the context of the low
life expectations amongst Britain’s teenagers. Sexual risk taking
amongst adolescents (defined as unprotected and multiple partner sex)
can be predicted by examining academic ability, alcohol consumption,
parental monitoring and contact, suicidal ideations and histories of
sexual abuse. Sexual risk takers have more opportunities to engage in
risk-taking behaviours (e.g. low levels of parental monitoring) and
fewer incentives for avoiding risks (poor prospects for higher education
or employment) (Luster & Small, 1994). Increased sex education and
access to abortion and contraception will not necessarily help to bring
down the rate of teenage pregnancies and STDs. Economists such as
Professor David Paton, suggest that the principle of "Moral Hazard"
demonstrates that as abortion helps to alleviate some of the risks
associated with having sex and a confidentiality agreement means that
their parents need never know about it, more individuals will engage in
risky sexual activity. The pregnancy rate amongst teenagers may
therefore increase as some adolescents who think they will opt for an
abortion if they get pregnant may not do so when faced with the actual
decision. Riskier sexual behaviour also decreases the effectiveness of
contraception which increases the risk of infection with an STD (Paton,
D., 2002). Indeed, there are some dangerous STDs from which
contraception offers no protection and the only method with 100%
efficiency is abstinence. Philip Levine supports this research and the
view that low expectations are at the root of the problem claiming that
"measures which improve the educational and work prospects of those
groups most at risk seem likely to help achieve the stated aim of
reducing underage conceptions" (Levine, 2003).
It is clear that sexual abuse, pornography, sexual
references in popular culture, gender discrimination and sexual
harassment and bullying are matters of concern for some primary school
children and most teenagers and that the primary school environment
provides an excellent opportunity to inculcate some of the knowledge,
skills and understanding which would help them to tackle these issues
whenever they arise. It can be argued however that most primary school
children lack the cognitive and emotional capacity to place adult
sexuality and behaviour in context. Most of these issues can therefore
be confronted without explicit reference to sex or sexuality because
they are related to matters of self esteem and respect for others. Dr
Kate Worsley, of Marie Stopes International suggests that a more
comprehensive sex education policy is necessary because "abstinence
messages conflict with all the other messages about sex which teenagers
receive from the culture around them. And a cultural shift is very
difficult to achieve"(O'Keeffe, 2003). However, as it is the social
context which is driving the high rate of teenage pregnancies and STDs, a
cultural shift is what is needed. It is here that primary schools may
be best able to address the issue. If teachers and schools are able to
provide pupils a quality education which inculcates the knowledge,
skills and understanding to increase their future opportunities and
prospects, then Britain’s children may not suffer a "poverty of
aspiration."
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